Truth Always Lies Hidden Behind Government/Establishment Propaganda and the Misleading Headlines of the Right-Wing Media

19 April 1984

The reasons politicians lie is because the public doesn’t want to hear the truth. People want to hear what they want to hear.

http://www.perkel.com/politics/lies.htm

It is perhaps more accurate to say that many people believe they are being told the truth if it carries the weight of an authority figure or governing body. Such as The Government of the day, or The Media.

History is littered, of course, with evidence that the politicians who tend to lie the most are those who govern, those who have a vested interest to protect. And those governing politicians are in turn supported, or protected, by that section of the media which the governing class represents. 

https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2015/dec/09/alistair-carmichael-lib-dem-election-court-throws-out-attempt-to-unseat-mp

Back on Thursday April 19 1984 the national Miners’ Strike was six weeks old (the overtime ban, six months old).  On that day, the print media focussed on two particular aspects of the strike:-

  1. The damage the striking National Union of Mineworkers was inflicting on the mining equipment supply industry;
  2. The first concession made by MacGregor, NCB Chairman, offering to revise the timing of the pit closure and redundancy programme, and the subsequent dismissal of that “concession” by Scargill (Scargill, of course.  Never the miners or the NUM)

In Scotland, the Tory Government line was loyally served by the Tory supporting Glasgow Herald. Ian Imrie and Roy Rogers reported under the headline ‘Pit strike forces Scots firm to put 1500 on short time’ –

“The miners’ strike will almost certainly mean more than 1500 Anderson Strathclyde workers being put on short time next week while in Edinburgh a workshop for the blind is being badly affected financially by the dispute.” 

The Managing Director of Anderson Strathclyde, a Scottish company manufacturing mining machinery, and at that time employing 1900 workers at Motherwell, 600 at Bridgeton, and 250 at Glenrothes, was quoted as saying:

“We are making no bones about the fact that we are directly affected by the action the National Union of Mineworkers is taking. It is inevitable that our workforce will feel some consequence of the action in the pits.” 

The general manager of The Blind Sheltered Workshops at Craigmillar in Edinburgh, which at the time had a £500,000 annual contract with the NCB to supply wire mesh for underground roof supports, was reported to be suffering as a result of the miners’ dispute. The strike had come as a severe blow to the organisation, but there was no question of putting blind people on short time.

The Guardian, Financial Times and Scotsman led with reports on the NCB ‘Concession’, or even “peace move”, namely a supposed offer on the part of the NCB to “phase-in” the programme of 20,000 redundancies and loss of 4 million tonnes of coal production capacity. 

The Scotsman rushed to report under the headline ‘Scargill rejects NCB offer of talks

John Lloyd at the Financial Times, however, in his report under the headline ‘Concession from MacGregor on pit closure timing’ that the NCB “had not yet informed the NUM of this potentially significant concession”. He did, however, go on to pass comment on “the National Coal Board’s softer position” on redundancies and pit closures.   

Keith Harper at the Guardian reported under the headline ‘Offer to alter closures timetable: First pit strike concession dismissed by Scargill

At the same time, and reporting from a different angle, Ian Bruce of the Tory Unionist Glasgow Herald warned that the future of the Ravenscraig steel complex was threatened by the actions of the miners’ strike (‘steel men set to defy dock union on coal’).

Throughout all this time the NUM had claimed the NCB had a secret hit list of pit closures. It was vociferously denied, but little journalistic investigation went into revealing the truth of the miners’ claim. 

Of course all of the NCB posturing, the Tory Government pretence of non-interference, and the indignant outrage of the right wing tory supporting media all belied the truth asserted from the outset – that the Tories were hell bent on culling the mining industry, destroying the National Union of Mineworkers, and thereby clearing the road to finishing off the remaining public sector unions. 

Click to access 830915%20Minl%20Mtg%20MINERS%20PAY%20PREM19-1329%20f243.pdf

The above link will take you to what was once a Top Secret record of a meeting held of the highest offices of State at No 10 Downing Street on 15 September 1983, a whole six months before the ‘national’ miners’ strike kicked off in March 1984. 

The top secret record is no longer top secret but its content, and the deception it reveals at the highest office of the UK state, is still not widely known or understood. 

The NUM may have been wrong at the time that there was a ‘closure list’ of specific pits. What they were right about, however, was the extent of the planned butchering of the UK mining industry. 

MacGregor’s April 1984 ‘concession’ or ‘peace plan’ to phase redundancies over a longer period than twelve months was a simple lie, supported by Tory Government. 

The Coal Board’s plan was not to get rid of 20,000 jobs and 20 pits. The Tory government had been told that the mining workforce was planned to be slashed by one-third. 

From a workforce of 202,000 miners in 1983 to 138,000 miners by the end of 1985. And undoubtedly with further savage and continuing cuts to come thereafter. 

Peter Walker, Tory Secretary of State for Energy, understood well what the consequences were for mining communities. The minute records him observing that –

  • Two-thirds of Welsh miners would be redundant;
  • 35 per cent of all Scottish miners would be out of work;
  • 48% of miners in the North East would lose their jobs;
  • Half of South Yorkshire miners would cease to be;
  • The South Midlands would be culled by 46 per cent;
  • The Kent coalfield was finished. 

And while the Directors of Anderson Strathclyde and the management of the Blind Workshops in Craigmillar were bemoaning the difficulties the striking miners were causing their businesses, what they perhaps did not know, or would not want to believe, was that the most senior UK Government Secretaries of State – and the Prime Minister – had already decided upon and sealed their fate.  In September 1983 the Tory hierarchy with no mandate in Scotland was minuting that their planned butchery of the nation’s coal industry would have 

“unfortunate effects on the mining equipment supply industry”. 

Such is the short term thinking of much of UK industry.  The UK Coal industry, Anderson Strathclyde, the Blind Workshops at Craigmillar, Ravenscraig steelworks and Thatcher are all dead and gone now.   So “unfortunate”.  

But we still live with the consequences of Thatcherism, and a Thatcherite Tory Government imposed on Scotland despite them having no mandate in Scotland. 

And it is the same old Tory Westminster Government, with its privileged conservative establishment, and its right wing media, which continues to peddle the lies, distortion and deceit for the sole purpose of serving their own self-interests rather than the interests of the Scottish people, sucking us dry for their short term aims but leaving nothing in their wake for the longer term prosperity of our nation.  

Day of action call to support miners – From the Glasgow Herald, Wednesday 18 April 1984

Report by John McKinlay
 The Scottish TUC, after one of the most emotional debates in its long history, yesterday agreed to call a Scottish day of action in support of the miners.

The 580 delegates at the STUC annual conference in Aberdeen unanimously backed an appeal from Scottish miners’ president Mr Michael McGahey for action by other unions as well as financial support for the miners.

 They approved an emergency resolution calling on the Labour and trade union movement for “various forms of action” throughout Scotland and an all-Scottish Day of Action at a date to be decided by the General Council of the STUC.

 What form the action should take was not defined in the motion but a number of union leaders made it clear that they wanted an all-out stoppage on May Day – not May 7, which is an official public holiday, but May 1. Mr McGahey said it should be “all out” on the day of action.

 The General Council of the STUC is expected to decide before the end of this week on a date. Some union officials, however, hope that a day of action across the United Kingdom can be organised.

 In a highly charged atmosphere, Mr McGahey took conference by storm, receiving a standing ovation even before he started speaking, followed by another after a rousing speech.

Union officials queued at the rostrum anxious to voice their support amid stern warnings that defeat for the miners would be a blow for the labour movement.

The debate ended with delegates and about 100 miners in the public gallery standing applauding each other to chants of “here we go, here we go”.

Mr James Airlie, Scottish executive officer of the engineering union, appealed directly to the hearts of trade unionists when he said “if we have any pride, compassion, or solidarity, the miners will not be defeated, they will not be starved into submission – that is our movement’s responsibility”.

Mr Airlie claimed that government ministers were haunted by nightmares that if they conceded anything to the miners it would open the door to other workers and undermine the government’s strategy over the past five years.

Earlier, Mr McGahey said that Mr Ian MacGregor was appointed chairman of the NCB “to butcher the mining industry as he did British Steel and British Leyland”.

He added “I want to tell him the miners are not accepting the butchery of their industry.”

The miners were fighting on behalf of the whole trade union movement. If pitcs closed many workers would also lose jobs in the railways, the steel industry, and in manufacturing industry. The government had appointed a 72-year-old American septuagenarian to butcher the coal industry but the young miners were fighting not only for their future but the future of all young workers.

Mr John Walker, Scottish organiser of the railway union ASLEF said, every union should pledge to bring workers out on the day of action.

Mr Ken Cameron, the Fireman’s general sectary, called on left and right wing unions to realise the entire movement was involved in a class war. If the miners lost, everyone lost.

Mr Andrew Barr, East of Scotland organiser for the National union of Raiwlaymen warned the government against bringing in troops to move coal. 

Roy Rogers writes: several NUM areas have still to decide how they will vote tomorrow but it looks as though the NUM national officials will get the two-thirds majority they need for the rule change. Even so there is no guarantee that NUM president Arthur Scargill will call an immediate ballot, and he may well suggest to delegates that they keep their powder dry at least for the time being.

Two Gloucestershire coke hauliers yesterday won a High Court injunction banning South Wales miners pickets from stopping coke lorries entering or leaving British Steel’s Port Talbot plant.

Failure to comply with the injunction would lay the South Wales NUM open to heavy fines in addition to damages which are already being sought by the two companies.

The National Coal Board has already been awarded a broadly similar injunction against the Yorkshire NUM but, despite flagrant defiance by Yorkshire miners, has so far been reluctant to return to court.

18.4.1984  

 

 

For Want of a Nail

The Scottish working class faces an existential crisis and must learn from the lessons of the 1984/85 Miners Strike, and Indyref 2014, to win the struggle for independence from the British Capitalist state and assert our right to self-determination